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Children chased each other between plastic chairs as adults sang hymns. Bolsonaro, a Catholic, worked hard to attract these crossover voters, especially evangelicals.

Two years ago, he was baptized in the Jordan River during a visit to Israel, and on the campaign trail, he filled his stump speeches with religious rhetoric and made dozens of campaign videos meant to appeal to religious Christians, including multiple appearances by celebrity pastor Silas Malafaia, a member of Assemblies of God. Felippsen had marched against Bolsonaro, alongside both evangelicals and Catholics, during the election.

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Feliciano had his share of worries as well. But his stitched-together Christian alliance is a fickle flock: His support among evangelicals dropped in the final days of the campaign, in part due to grassroots activism from progressive Christians, and evangelical congressmen grew angry in recent weeks when he chose an education minister without consulting them.

In recent decades, Brazil has seen a dramatic religious demographic shift.

Inthe country was 92 percent Catholic. The evangelical base has not always taken up these issues. But for now, left-of-center Christians are likely to face a legislative pummeling.

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They may achieve more of their political wishes under Bolsonaro than under any previous administration.

Abortion, already illegal in most cases in Brazil, may become more difficult to access. Sex education and efforts to prevent homophobia may be banned from schools. In an interview afterward, he brought up the importance of welcoming LGBT people like her. His words set him apart from those of the new president, but he was unequivocal.

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For years, Colombians fleeing violence left for Venezuela. Now mass migration flows the other way.

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But their continued support is far from certain. By Catherine Osborn January 1,7: Catherine Osborn is a print and radio journalist based in Rio de Janeiro.

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